Art History Today

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. Slides

Slides

1. Lincoln Cathedral, Nave Vault.

2. Exterior of Lincoln Cathedral, begun 1088.

3. Page from the portfolio of Villard de Honnecourt, with architectural designs, c. 1230.

4. Page from the portfolio of Villard de Honnecourt, with architectural designs, 1230.

5. Perspective section of a nave bay of Amiens Cathedral, rep in Camille, Gothic Architecture.

6. Exterior of Abbey of Vezelay, France, 11th- 13^th centuries.

7. Map of Churches in Medieval France, 11th- early 16^th centuries.

8. Nave, Interior of Abbey of Vezelay Abbey.

9. Reconstruction of Cluny Abbey, founded 910 A.D.

10. View of Nave with Tympanum with Judgement, completed 1130, Vezelay Abbey.

11. Detail: Christ.

12. Detail: Judgement figures.

13. Exterior of Abbey of Moissac, founded 7^th century A.D, secularized 1625.

14. Prophet Jeremiah, southern portal, Moissac.

15. Tympanum, south west portal, Moissac.

16. Exterior of Chartres Cathedral, 50 miles south west of Paris, 1194-1220.

17. Interior of Chartres, windows installed 1205-1240.

18. Adoration of the Christ Child and crucifixion. Rayonnant style, pierced gables and open tracery, polychrome ivory diptych from the Meuse valley, France, middle of the 14th century, Musée du Louvre, Paris.

19. Parliament of Rouen building, 1499-1508, flamboyant style.

20. Main Portal, Chartres Cathedral, c. 1150.

21. Unidentified Kings and Queens, Chartres Cathedral, c. 1150.

22. St Modeste, North Porch, Chartres Cathedral, c. 1270.

23. Detail of St Modeste.

24. Figures from Judgement portal, north transept, Rheims Cathedral, c. 1220.

25. Annunciation and Visitation, western facade, Rheims Cathedral, 1230.

26. Map of the spread of Gothic architecture, XII- XV centuries.

27. Death of the Virgin, Strasbourg Cathedral, exterior of south transept, c. 1230.

28. Monsters in in the lower margins of a Cluniac psalter, c. 1320, illumination on parchment, whole page 34.7 x 23 cm, Beinecke Library, Yale University.

29. Gargoyles, Notre-Dame, Paris, 1163-1345.

30. St Bernard of Clairvaux, from A Short History of Monks and Monasteries by Alfred Wesley Wishart (1900).

31. Two examples of capitals criticised by Bernard of Clairvaux: Vezelay Abbey.

32. Adam, south transept of Notre-Dame Cathedral, Paris, 1250, stone, height 6 ft 7 ¼ inches, Musée de Cluny, Paris.

33. Giselbertus, The Temptation of Eve, Autun Cathedral, c. 1130.

34. Italian illuminator working in Paris, second figure in the Anatomy of Guido de Vigevano, 1345, illumination on parchment, whole page, 12 ½ x 8 ¾ inches, (32×22.2 cm), Musée Conde, Chantilly.

35. Exterior of St Denis, Paris, completed 1144.

36. Abbot Suger, stained glass, St Denis.

37. Tree of Jesse, north transept rose window, 1140-1144, axial chapel of ambulatory, St Denis; nave with arcade, triforium and clerestory.

38. Suger’s Eagle, ancient Egyptian porphyry vase mounted in a silver gilt eagle, probably 2^nd century A.D., Musée du Louvre, Paris.

39. Quatrefoil with Hedgehog, 1220, west front, Amiens Cathedral, France.

40. “Toothache” capital, Wells Cathedral, England, probably after 1274.

41. Unknown artist, Christ in Glory, Westminster Psalter, c. 1200, 9×6 ¼ inches, British Library, London.

42. Crucifixion, Weingarten Missal, 1216, 29.2×20.3 cm, Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.

43. Jean Pucelle, Arrest of Christ and Annuciation to the Virgin, from Hours of Jeanne d’Evreux, folio 15v and 16r, 8.9×7.1 cm, Cloisters, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

44. Klosterneuberg Altarpiece, parts added 1324-9 to the enamels of Nicolas de Verdun, tempera on wood, Kuntshistorisches Museum, Vienna.

45. St Vitus Cathedral, Prague, Czech Republic, new church 1344.

46. Passional of the Abbess Kunigonde, Dedication Illustration on fol. 1V

47. Passional of the Abbess Kunigonde, Kunigonde and Jesus, The Mystical Embrace,

48. Master of Vyssi Brod Altar, (Master of Hohenfurth), Nativity, c. 1350, 99 × 93 cm, Convent of St. Agnes branch, National Gallery, Prague.

49. Master of Vyssi Brod Altar, Descent of the Holy Spirit, c. 1350, 99 × 93 cm, Convent of St. Agnes branch, National Gallery, Prague.

50. Master of Vyssi Brod, Veveri Madonna, 1344-1350, tempera and gold on panel, 79.5×62.5 cm, Diocesan Museum Brno, Brno, Czech Republic.

51. Circle of Master Theodoric, Crucifixion from Emmaus Monastery, Prague (founded 1347 for Slavonic Benedictines from Croatia; destroyed 1945), c. 1365, National Gallery, Prague.

52. Master Theodoric, Matthew the Evangelist, 1365, oil on panel, from the front part of Chapel of Holy Cross in Karlstejn Castle.

53. Master Theodoric, Luke the Evangelist, 365, oil on panel 115×94 cm, from the front part of Chapel of Holy Cross in Karlstejn Castle.

54. Nidaros Cathedral, Trondheim, Norway, west front; Nidaros, another view.

55. Urnes stave church in Luster, Norway, 13^th century.

56. Adam and Eve, detail of the vaulting from stave Church, Hallingdal, Norway, late 13^th century, now in Oslo Museum.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 10

Gothic Northern Exposure: Medieval Architecture & Painting in Norway.

It might seem strange to encounter medieval art in the cold climes of Norway, but Gothic art and architecture does play an unmistakeable part in its history. During a peaceful interlude in the country’s history, King Hâkon Hâkonson (1217-1263) was friendly with the English sovereign Henry III, thus an “Anglo- Norwegian” style evolved.¹ Norway’s most famous saint, Olaf, enjoyed a cult in England; the Nidaros Cathedral,(above)  at Trondheim, was built over his burial site. Standing in front of Nidaros’s west front, one could be standing at Wells or Lincoln because it is constructed in the “Early English Gothic” style; this takes us right back to the first slide since builders from Lincoln Cathedral were actually brought in from abroad to help the project. Generally, painting in 13^th century Norway falls into three groups: frescoes on stone, of which only a few survive because there were relatively few stone churches, and in many of these the frescoes were whitewashed over; paintings on wood, mostly in the stave (wooden) churches; lastly, the altar frontals. Unlike Paris and Prague, hardly any book illuminated art has survived. It is difficult to isolate specific schools of painting in Norwegian art, though Bergen in the west produced much altar art; Trondhiem, the “spiritual capital” also had workshops containing sculptors and glassmakers.² Trondheim and Bergen were also visited by the English artist, the Benedictine monk, Matthew Paris (1200-1259) in 1248; but other sources would have included manuscripts in France. As for paintings, some clues are provided by an extant Icelandic painting manual which recommends several techniques: overlaying silver and gold over a chalk base, or applying an oil-based glaze, to give the effect of gilding; but this constituency was not yet the oil made famous by the Van Eyck brothers.

1The term is used by Martin Blindheim in his The Stave Church Paintings: Mediaeval Art from Norway (Italy, 1965), 6.

2Ibid, 10.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 9

Medieval Painting at the Court of Prague in Bohemia.

“Charles IV, Roman Emperor and King of Bohemia, founded the new Prague Church, an expensive work, as is apparent, and at this expense, his own, did this;. . . a university in Prague was instituted by him, and the building of a new bridge across the Vltava was ordered by him. Excellent lover of Divine Worship and of the clergy, he died in Prague in the year of Our Lord 1378. —Inscription at Saint Vitus's Cathedral.”

In a usual survey of European painting of this period, we would be turning away from Germany and heading southwards to continue the story of art on the continent. We shall do that next week in the renaissance section, but for now by way of a departure from the usual route, we shall head north into Bohemia- which went on to be called Czechoslovakia- and thence to Norway in order to show how Gothic painting from France and the Mediterranean spread into eastern and northern Europe. Most of the 14^th century painting that has survived in Moravia is in the form of book illustration and murals; the latter due to the fortunate circumstance that the ruling families were bibliophiles.¹ One of the most famous books is the Abbess of Kunigunde’s Illuminated Passional. Kunigunde was leader of a Benedictine establishment in Prague; she commissioned an Illuminated Passional which contain “mystic tracts” written for the abbess by a Dominican monk, Kolda of Koldice with accompanying verses and illustrations by Canon Beneš of St George’s. These show “a synthesis of Western Gothic art with contemporary influences from from the Byzantine style of northern Italian art.”² Prague owed its early eminence to the energy and fervour of the Holy Roman Emperor and King of Bohemia, Charles IV (1316-1378). Czechs considered Charles the founder of their empire, but the Germans thought of him as the “stepfather” of the Holy Roman Empire.³ Steeped in the luxuriance of the French court, knowledgeable about Byzantine painting, Charles wanted to use art and buildings like St Vitus Cathedral to create a city that could compete with Paris. To this end Charles attracted German painters like “Master Wilhelm” from Cologne to complement quietly forceful artists like the court painter Master Theodoric who is first documented as owning a house next to Prague Castle in 1359. Theodoric virtually oversaw the decoration of the Holy Cross Chapel at Karlŝtejn Castle which produced some memorable paintings of 130 saints and evangelists, and Charlemagne. The assertive St Luke (above) panel is thought by some to be a self-portrait; Charles IV was well-pleased with the work proclaiming it “ingeniously and masterfully done.”⁴

1Karel Stejskal, “Historical and Social Background to the Mural Painting of 1300-1350” in Various, Gothic Mural Painting in Bohemia and Moravia 1300-1378 (London & New York, 1964), 17.

2Ibid.

3Jiři Fajt, “Charles IV: Towards a New Imperial Style” in Prague: The Crown of Bohemia 1347-1437 (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2005-2006), 3-23,

4Ibid, no. 33.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 8

The Styles of Painting in Gothic Culture.

“It should be observed that, if we were to confine our discussion exclusively to Gothic art we might justifiably ignore most twelfth-century painting, for there is scarcely anything in the entire gamut that one can comfortably call “Gothic.”Andrew Martindale.¹

Following Martindale we can omit the 12^th century and proceed to the next whose main form of painting is book illustration which boasted beautiful decoration with initials and floral motifs owing something to the Byzantine tradition; the Munich Psalter is a good example of this. We can also identify the hieratic style in a number of figures like the Enthroned Christ as in the Westminster Psalter (c.1200) and the Crucifixion from the Weingarten Missal (c.1216) which shows the persistence of the Byzantine style well into the 13^th century. In this century, painting in France achieves eminence with the Parisian style thanks to the patronage of kings like Louis XI. Next, the early 14^th century in France produced the artist Jean Pucelle (c. 1300- 1355) whose most famous work is the illustration for the Hours of Jeanne D’Evreux, Queen of France which combine recognisable iconography with figures from reality that may be symbolic.² The styles of the court of Paris and Italy would be dispersed into Germany and Austria; the Italian influence emerges strongly, in a series of panel paintings added to the enamels of Nicolas of Verdun, the whole making up the Klosterneuberg altarpiece (1324-1329). This structure has also been connected to the iconography used by Giotto transmitted through medieval pattern books.³

1Gothic Art, 67.

2On the “layers of realism” in this prayer book Craig Harbison, The Art of the Northern Renaissance (Everyman, 1995), 28.

3Martindale, Gothic Art, 143.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 7

Medieval Art, Symbolism & the Popular Mind

“The abundance of images in which religious thought threatened to dissolve itself would have only produced a chaotic phantasmagoria , if symbolic conception had not worked it all into a vast system, where every figure had its place.” Jan Huizinga.¹

In his aim of wanting to let more of the public into St Denis, Abbot Suger sounds more like a modern museum director with a dash of P.T. Barnum showmanship; but who were this public, and how did they understand the medieval art they could see in and around churches? In seeking to understand the constitution of the medieval audience, it is necessary to pose a collateral question: what did the populace make of the art around them; what did its symbols mean to them? To take one example- the humble hedgehog from a quatrefoil on the west front of Amiens Cathedral. Following are a number of interpretations of this animal symbol: (1) the perfect Christian; (2) a weather prophet; (3) an emblem of churchmen who accumulate wealth – the hedgehog climbs high and hoards food- whilst ignoring the people; (4) an animal with five stomachs, symbolising five ways of meditating on God. And the list goes on, but as historians of medieval art like Emile Mâle and G.G. Coulton have stressed, there was not only confusion about the interpretation of these symbols on the part of the people but also in the minds of the clergy which may have had “popular instincts” at the back of their more cultivated minds to borrow Coulton’s phrase.² Another arresting example is the so-called “tooth-ache” capital at Wells Cathedral which became connected with the legend of Bishop Bytton who died in 1274 and whose tomb lies nearby. This place was frequented by sufferers from toothache, though it is thought that the capital dates from after Bytton’s death; and that this grotesque (along with others) showing its teeth was created to commemorate the dental miracles. But due to their similarity with grotesques showing medical ailments in Switzerland, it could be argued that they are nothing to do with Bytton, and more likely typify an architectural trend in Europe wherein grotesques represent aspects of medieval medicine, though that still remains firmly within the realm of speculation. What might be the case is that, in this instance, the popular mind turned Bytton into the “patron of toothache” because the people hungered for miracles, an idea the Church would be keen to claim for its own purposes.³

1The Waning of the Middle Ages: A Study of the Forms of Life, Thought, and Art in France and the Netherlands in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries ( Penguin, orig pub 1924, this edition 1976 trans F Hopman), 193-194.

2The Art of the Reformation, 252.

3Ibid, 281.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 6

Abbot Suger and the Sacramental Splendour of St Denis.

“What has gold to do in the sanctuary?” St Bernard of Clairvaux.

Unlike the claustral, ascetic Bernard of Clairvaux, head of the Abbey of Cluny, Suger, abbot of Abbey of St Denis between 1122 and his death in 1151, strikes us as more secular, energetic, and firmly imbricated within the administrative systems and structures of power in early medieval France. When Suger met a problem he had no hesitation in going right to the top, seeking advice of popes and kings; one of these – Louis VI, “le gros”- was on friendly terms with this remarkable churchman. Though Suger’s power was still limited in the political sphere, he had complete dominion over St Denis, the Parisian church which contained the tombs of the French kings. In re-conceptualising and re-building St Denis, Suger “adviser of the Crown and the greatest political power in France,” earned the respect and praise of his previous enemy, the Abbot of Clairvaux, “the mentor of the Holy See and the greatest spiritual force in Europe.”¹ But far from turning St Denis into a monastic retreat separate from the secular world, Suger made the church a place where things were rendered unto both Caesar and God: beautiful possessions like Suger’s famous porphyry Eagle Vase, now in the Louvre. So Suger placed his relics, “vessels of gold or precious stone adorned with pearls and gems, golden candelabra and altar panels, sculpture and stained glass, mosaic and enamel works, lustrous vestments and tapesteries,” in the upper choir of this most magnificent of Gothic cathedrals.²

1These descriptions are Erwin Panofsky’s in his “Abbot Suger of St Denis” in Meaning in the Visual Arts, Penguin, 1977, orig pub 1955), 139-180, 150.

2Ibid, 153-154.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 5

From Animal to Human in Medieval Art.

“But as a result the body changed its status. It ceased to be the mirror of divine perfection and became an object of humiliation and shame. The whole of medieval art is proof of how completely Christian dogma had eradicated the image of bodily beauty.” Kenneth Clark.¹

In the Romanesque period strange misshapen beasts appear, contorted and agonised, symbols of the lower nature of humans; the strange figures known as gargoyles obviously represented this symbolic monstrous trend, though some art historians have refused to see them as nothing but functional; the word gargoyle comes from the French for throat and out of this orifice water drained away- sculpture with a utilitarian purpose. But in the Gothic era the beasts are different, a clear separation is made between human and animal as it if to foreground the human, partly because as Camille says, the human body becomes “emblematic of the horror of the flesh.”² In Gothic art the animal sphere is distinctly separated from the human, except in the case of the hybrids known as “babewyns” (baboons) which join the upper parts of human bodies to animal lower parts as can be seen in book illustrations.³ With the animal component, attention was directed to the human body which the Church considered tainted and fallen because of Adam and Eve whose nakedness was the sign of sin. So naturalism displaced the grotesque with representations of Adam and Eve becoming more realistic; as in the case of Adam from Notre-Dame and Eve at Autun Cathedral (above), though both are covered in fig leafs signifying shame. These two thirteenth-century sculptures were created during a century when artists were not only studying foliage, flowers and birds closely, but also the naked human body. This trend suggests that human beings were beginning to take the place of bulls and multi-headed monsters on Gothic architecture, the kind that drew the wrath of St Bernard. However, artists were still mainly ignorant of human anatomy due to the Church banning the dissection and analysis of corpses.⁴ Thus there was a struggle between churchmen and artists since, as Camille says, “only when it had become food for worms could the human body become a subject for art.”⁵ There was a “sub-genre” of scientific illustration which exemplified by the book Anatomy of Guido de Vivegano, the eponymous Guido being an anatomist/engineer and Surgeon to the Queen of France which may be why his dissections were permitted, she being a powerful figure; he is shown in one plate dissecting the body hurriedly before it decomposes completely.⁶

1The Nude: A Study of Ideal Art (Penguin, 1956), 301.

2Gothic Architecture, 151.

3Ibid.

4Clark, The Nude, 306.

5Gothic Architecture, 153-4.

6Guido borrowed tools from carpenters, and his anatomical practice therefore had links with the artisanal culture of the fourteenth-century, Marie-Christine Pouchelle, The Body and Surgery in the Middle Ages (Rutgers University Press, 1990, trans. By Rosemary Morris), 106-107.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 4

Art & the Monasteries.

“What does the art of the Middle Ages really owe to the monks?” G.G. Coulton.¹

In attempting to answer his own question, Coulton fielded facts that undermined the romantic assumption that monks who worked in medieval monasteries were artists. This myth has been perpetuated by a number of medieval historians who wanted to believe that the men who worked, worshipped and lived in monastic buildings actually built them; that they also carved most of its sculpture and were responsible for its interior painted decoration. By careful scrutiny of statements made by later medievalists like Montamlebert and others, Coulton concluded that those responsible for building projects and “temporal affairs” were the lay-brethren amongst whom would be numbered carpenters, smiths, stone-hewers, and masons who would have been hired by the monks.² Why did this romantic view of the Middle Ages prevail? It was mainly because of the historical interpretation of documents on art made by religious figures. One of the most famous was the Letter of St Bernard of Clairvaux (1090- 1153) in which he expressed the dangers of art which could seduce the monks from their work and devotions, like the above capital at Vezelay. Animadverting against the strange carved figures, “monstrosities” found on pillars and capitals in the cloisters of monasteries, Bernard was simply pointing up the power of art; but none of this powerful statement supports the contention of some scholars that Bernard was an artist himself despite knowledge of the subject.³ What seems to happened is that scholars like Montamlebert took a specific case and generalised from it thus distorting the true cultural picture.

1The Art of the Reformation (Cambridge University Press), 1953, 26.

2Ibid, 33.

3St Bernard of Clairvaux: “And in the cloisters, under the eyes of the brethren engaged in reading, what business have those ridiculous monstrosities, that misshapen shapeliness and shapely misshapenness? Those unclean monkeys, those fierce lions, those monstrous centaurs, those semi-human beings. Here you see a quadruped with the tail of a serpent, there a fish with the head of a goat. In short there appears on all sides so rich and amazing a variety of forms that it is more delightful to read the marble than the manuscripts and to spend a whole day in admiring these things, piece by piece, rather than meditating on the Divine Law.” Quoted in Kenneth Clark, Civilisation, (BCA), 40; Coulton, Art and the Reformation, 53. Coulton also asks why is that the monks after the Reformation in France, Austria, Italy and Spain, did practically nothing as artists when they had the freedom to do what they liked.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 3

Gothic Sculpture.

“With the institution of the lodge in the twelfth century, a change already noticed by Viollet-le-Duc took place in this respect. The lodge offered the sculptor a more convenient and better equipped place of work than the scaffolding had been. Now he generally does the whole of his work in a workshop near the church, the finished sculptures being subsequently built into the structure. The change was probably not so sudden as Viollet-le-Duc supposes, 223 but, in any case, here was a development which was to lead ultimately to the independence of the sculptor’s work and a growing separation of sculpture from architecture.” Arnold Hauser.¹

Lots of Gothic churches have sculpture inside or around them: outside on doorways, buttresses; inside, attached to shafts. This kind of sculpture is known as decoration; it evolved from the Romanesque into a more programmatic type of art with its iconography geared towards a more didactic function.² Unfortunately most of this sculpture from the first phase of the Gothic, what Martindale calls a “age of transition” lasting a century from 1140 to 1240, has not survived; these include St Denis and St Bénigne (Dijon).³ But luckily most of the sculpture at Chartres Cathedral has survived, particularly the figures on the tympanum and west portal and porches which were begun after 1194. These figures with long parallel folds and boxlike pleats were admired and imitated; they are found at Le Mans and Laon. The Kings and Queens at Chartres are impressive, but lack gracefulness; this is remedied by such 13^th century figures as St Modeste (above) on the North Porch whose restorers earned Ruskin’s condemnation. It is believed that some of the Chartres sculptors travelled to Rheims, but the sculpture there – from the same century- lean more towards the antique; as in the figures from the Judgement in the north transept. It is thought that this antique orientation might betray the influence of the metalworker Nicolas of Verdun (1130-1205) who developed this drapery style; the group of the Visitation at Rheims are one of the most well-known examples. Gradually more emotion enters into the sculptural groups, particularly in Germany like the Death of the Virgin at Strasbourg Cathedral (1230). The Rheims style of sculpture reaches Germany, Bamberg (Madonna), Strasbourg (Death of the Virgin), Magdeburg (Wise and Foolish Virgins). Between 1240 and 1350 when Paris had achieved eminence in art and architecture, the style of sculpture became more sumptuous and decorative as with the many statues like the Virgin and Child of Jeanne d’Evreux, Queen of France.

1The Social History of Art, Vol 1, From Prehistoric Times to the Middle Ages, with an introduction by Jonathan Harris, (Routledge, 1999, first pub in two volumes 1951), 120.

2Frankl, Gothic Architecture, 290.

3Ibid, 17f.

Origins and Spread of Romanesque & Gothic Style in France, Germany & Northern Europe. 2

The Styles of Medieval Art & Architecture.

As Michael Camille explained in his Gothic Art, the history of Gothic architecture is frequently described by phases.¹ The first forays in the Gothic occur around Paris from about 1140 to 1200 (when the Romanesque was still the prevailing style in the rest of Europe) and is usually termed “Early Gothic.” A good example of this is the Benedictine Abbey of Vezelay which was affiliated with the Abbey of Cluny- from which we get the name “Cluniac” style- and is typical of the austere, Cistercian churches of the period which were meant to be symbolic of the avowal of poverty and asceticism in accordance with the teachings of St Bernard of Clairvaux, head of the Cluny community.² The next phase is known as the “High Gothic” which deals with buildings erected from about 1200-1260, which would include Chartres and Rheims. The walls of Chartres contain a number of styles of sculpture ranging from an antique style to something more austere- see below. In painting, book illustration (which is the main kind) the influence of Byzantine art is seen.³ The next “more mannered” phase is called Rayonnant which also began around Paris and from about 1260 to 1300 “exploited more linear, transparent effects.” It takes its name from the radiating patterns of great rose windows, a distinguishing feature of this style. The last phase of Gothic is known as the Flamboyant style of the later fifteenth- century. This style meaning “flaming” with its ornate tracery is also found on secular buildings such as the above Palais de Justice Rouen (1499-1508).

1Michael Camille, Gothic Architecture, 36.

2Paul Crossley, Introduction to Frankl, Gothic Architecture, 22.

3For a manageable introduction to the development of architecture, sculpture and painting during the Gothic overall, see Andrew Martindale’s Gothic Art, (Thames and Hudson, 1967).